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After careful and prayerful consideration of the Biblical requirements and qualifications of deacons as found in 1 Tim. 3:8 13, the voting members of the congregation will select men they believe qualify to serve in that office. The congregation will be given a ballot containing the names of all men from among them who are constitutionally eligible to serve as deacon. Voting members shall select the number of men needed to fill the open deacon positions. The selections will be compiled by the current deacons who will screen those selected to be certain that the selected mans life is in conformity with the biblical qualifications. Those who have been selected by the congregation and screened by the deacons will be contacted in order to determine their willingness to serve. Selected deacons will be appointed and contacted in order from the highest votes received to the lowest. g. Removal of deacons: In the event that a deacons life gives evidence of failure to maintain his qualifications for office or if he is negligent in his duties as a deacon, a special congregational meeting for the purpose of considering his removal from office may be called upon the recommendation of two thirds of the other deacons. The failure of the deacon to sustain a majority vote of confidence would result in his immediate removal from office. 2.
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Relations of production correspond to forces of production, not the other way round. Of course, there is a certain sense in which it is impossible to separate material production from the social relations it involves. If new ways of working do involve new social relations, then obviously they cannot come into existence until these new social relations do. But, as we saw above, there are reasons for assigning priority to the forces of production. Human groups who succeed in changing the ways they work in order to develop the forces of production will be more successful than those that dont. Small, cumulative changes in the forces of production can take place, encouraging changes in the relations between people which are just as small but also just cumulative. People change their relations with each other because they want to produce the means of livelihood more easily: increasing the means of livelihood is the aim, changes in the social relations of production the unintended consequence. The forces of production rebel against the existing relations of production, not the other way round. So, for instance, if hunter gatherers decide to change their social relations with each other so as to engage in horticulture, this is not primarily a result of any belief that horticultural social relations are superior to hunter gatherer social relations; it is rather that they want access to the increased material productivity of horticulture over hunting and gathering. In the same way, it is not preference for one set of relations around the production process rather than another that leads the burghers to begin to challenge feudal society. It is rather that for this particular grouping of people within feudalism, the only way to increase their own control over the means of livelihood to develop the forces of production under their control is to establish new production relations.
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In some universities Jewish representation was much higher: in the Department of Medicine of Kharkov University Jews comprised 42% of student body; in the Department of Medicine of Odessa University 31%, and in the School of Law 41%. In all schools of the country, the percentage of Jews doubled to 12% from 1870 to 1880 and compared to 1865, it had quadrupled. In the Odessa school district it reached 32% by 1886, and in some schools it was 75% and even more. When D. A. Tolstoy, the Minister of Education from 1866, had begun school reforms in 1871 by introducing the Classical education standard with emphasis on antiquity, the ethnic Russian intelligentsia boiled over, while Jews did not mind. However, for a while, these educational developments affected only the Jewish bourgeoisie and intelligentsia. The wide masses remained faithful to their cheders and yeshivas, as the Russian elementary school offered nothing in the way of privileges. The Jewish masses remained in isolation as before due to specific conditions of their internal and outside life. Propagation of modern universal culture was extremely slow and new things took root with great difficulty among the masses of people living in shtetls and towns of the Pale of Settlement in the atmosphere of very strict religious traditions and discipline. Concentrated within the Pale of Settlement, the Jewish masses felt no need for the Russian language in their daily lives.